 |
| LEOS IN CHECK SHIRT FAR BEHIND THE THREESOME |
INTRODUCTION
Evangelization means to witness to God in the world, to offer truth and grace to humankind, to bring all into the communion of God. Evangelization is understood as an invitation to new relationship among human beings and with God in Jesus Christ. “You will be my witnesses not only in Jerusalem , but throughout Judea and Samaria
Evangelization could legitimately be of Christians and non-Christians, here I refer to the evangelization of those who are yet outside the visible communion of the Church, particularly the non-Christian Kodakus. Evangelization necessarily includes a conversion, a transformation of one’s basic attitudes that is brought out by the encounter with the Risen Lord.
Conversion also implies a new pattern of life that is expressed concretely through the medium of one’s own social milieu of culture and religious heritage. This is the life what we seek to share as individual Christians and as community of believers. This is how those who have experienced Christ share with those with whom they have already been sharing all the other aspects of human existence. This is evangelization the announcement of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. This is heralding the glad tidings of God’s definite and meaningful intervention in human history through Jesus Christ.
 |
| LEOS WITH HIS FRIENDS AT MANDU |
The strict meaning of evangelization is religious activity, aimed at the preaching of God’s kingdom as a revelation of the plan of salvation in Christ, through the action of the Holy Spirit. In Christian tradition, the Holy Spirit has always been associated with life and of giving of life. The purpose of evangelization is to bring interior change in the hearts of humankind and to convert the people through the divine power of the Gospel message. The same Holy Spirit is active in the world today in the Christian missionaries who have committed themselves to preach the Gospel message and who are ready and preparing themselves to accept and receive Christ through Baptism. Thus, for the Church, evangelization means bringing the Good News into the strata of humanity, and through its influence transforming human beings from within and making them new.
 |
| LEOS IN POSE |
This thesis consists of three chapters, where I have tried to show that the Christianity has brought changes in the life of Kodakus. The evangelical works done by Christian missionaries in different parts of the diocese of Ambikapur among my own people in the District of Surguja in Chhattisgarh state at present. The first chapter deals with “The Kodakus” their Origin and Historical background together with Socio-culture and Economic characteristics. The second chapter deals with the “Religious Belief and Feasts” they celebrate, and the third chapter gives the picture of evangelization among Kodakus in the past, present and the future plan to preach the Gospel among my own people. I hope that many will be benefiting from this thesis and come forward to contribute in the Kodaku mission in the diocese of Ambikapur and also in other parts of India
Sadom Leos
CHAPTER 1
THE KODAKUS
1.1 ETYMOLOGY
The term “Kodaku” is derived from two words ‘Koda’ which means ‘man’ and ‘ku’ signifies plural ‘men’ and ‘Kodwa’ means diggers of soil.[1]
1.2 ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF KODAKUS
The kodakus worship Bhagwan as their supreme God and Mahadeo (Great God) and Parvati (Mahadeo’s consort) as their main deities. They believe that their original ancestors lived in the Pal-Toppa. The story told by them of their common ancestors is as follows. Once upon a time there was a couple without any children living at Pal. In their old age this couple left their house and wondering about gave them to the worship of Bhagwan. He blessed them at last with a male child. At his birth this child spoke and forbade his parents to give him any kind of grain to eat and told them to give him the ‘Kanda’ (root) found in the jungle, or other roots which they might dig up from the soil. In consequence the race founded by this child called themselves ‘Khorakus’ (as he spelt) or diggers.[2]
There are many stories about the origin of Kodakus which are as follows:
One day Mahadeo and goddess Parvati were wandering in the jungle. Suddenly they heard the cry of a child somewhere far in the jungle. They went in search of the child and found the child in a Kanda ditch. They took him in their house and brought him up. Later on, his generations were called Kodakus.
Another legend is that once Mahadeo and goddess Parvati were wandering about in a jungle then the latter saw a heap of very fine ashes. She requested the former to make a human statue out of this heap of ashes. At first he was reluctant to do so but she kept on insisting on her request. Thus, he made a human statue to satisfy her wish and put life into it. Mahaeo told him to go and live in the jungle by eating kanda, fruits, leaves and flowers. It is from this human being that the Kodaku community took its origin.
There are many creation myths about Kodakus, the third one is as follows:
Once upon a time all human beings had died and everything was destroyed by Mahadeo. After sometime he felt lonely. He said to himself: “why was I so cruel? Why did I do such a heartless thing?” he was so desperate that finally he asked Parvati, his beloved where to find the human beings.[3] One day he set off to find them. He went round and round but did not find anyone. He came back home dead tired.
Again, he asked his beloved to tell him where to find the human beings. She was clever. Before he could destroy them, she had hidden one brother and sister in a crab hole. She told him about their location. Next day he went again to find them because he felt very lonely. He went round and round. Finally, he reached the place where his beloved had told him to go. However, he could not find any human being there except their footprints. Therefore, he asked a Rishi Muni (sage) about their whereabouts.[4] The latter had already seen Mahadeo. That is why he did not allow the boy and girl to come out from the crab hole. Madhdeo was thinking how to get those children for himself. So, he pleaded the sage again and again to allow the children to come out to him. When they came out he took them to his abode. As he reached home, his beloved asked him: “Where are they? Did you bring them along with you?” he said: “Yes” and handed them over to her and requested her to look after them well.
The brother and sister grew up playing together. One day while sleeping together they had sexual union. So far this had never happened with them. Therefore, they got frightened and told it to Parvati but she did not bother about it and told them not to worry. After some time the girl became pregnant and gave birth to a child. Then onwards human beings began to be born in this world.
.
1.3 THE DIVISION OF KODAKUS
Some anthropologists have made study of the Kodakus and Korwas. Some consider that both Kodaku and Korwa are two different groups, on the basis of their settlement and socio-culture differences. Many other anthropologists and ordinary scheduled tribes consider that the Kodaku tribe is the sub-division of Korwa tribe which is in fact a large tribal group. In fact the Korwa is a larger tribal group, which is divided into many sub-tribal groups. According to Abaninder Narayan Dharhi Korwa, Sinduria Korwa, Paharia Korwa, etc. A few others have classified them economically and geographically. (a) Agriculturists and food gatherers (b) Paharia/hill Korwa and Plain/Dih Korwa.[5]
1.4 SIMILARITIES AND DISSIMILARITIES AMONG KODAKUS AND KORWAS
SIMILARITIES
Owing to social background and language similarities in some extent most of the anthropological authors accept that the Kodaku is a sub-division of the larger tribe the korwa. But both groups kodaku and Korwa were primarily food gatherers when there were plenty of jungle products, they collected them for their livelihood. To get some grain they use “Bewra”[6] cultivation. When this system of cultivation was banned and declared illegal by the government, some of them settled down on the plain areas, but still very close to jungle and hills to get forest products easily and to maintain and sustain their lives. Though they stopped Bewra cultivation, but they moved on forest to forest to collect jungle products because it was easier for them to gather than to cultivate grains. There is a clear significance, which shows that they belong to a common fold. There is no any deference in their kinship systems. It is the same in both groups. This is because both the groups speak the same dialect. There is not much difference in their language.
DISSIMILARITIES
Though there are some aspects of similarities between them yet there are some differences between the Kodaku Korwas and the Pahari Korwas pertaining to some of the important aspect of life. E.R. de Brett one of the anthropologists says “It is true that the Khoraku (as he spelt), are less in jungle and more civilized than Korwas and appear to live in larger hamlets….. The Khorakus consider themselves a different people from the Korwas but admit that the difference is not great.”[7] In appearance it is almost impossible to distinguish one from the other. As a rule the Khorakus are somewhat better clad than the Korwas, and have perhaps a slightly more civilized appearance. The author has shown the difference on the basis of civilization and appearance. Though they look like the same. The same author has given another difference with regard to their religion. He says, “The main differences between the two tribes appear to consist in their religion. The Korwas worship Satbahni Devi and Khorakus are worshippers of Mahadani and Mahadeo. There are fourteen distinctions in the classes or clans of the two tribes….. it is to be noted that the Khorakus do not claim to be Hindus and are therefore not be classified with the Pahari Korwas, and Hindu will not take water from them.”
Both the Kodakus and the Paharias strenuously deny that they can inter-marry and refuse to admit that any such marriage takes place. So there is no marriage between them. Another difference is with regard to clan (goti). The Kodakus have fifteen clans. The Paharias and Kodakus do not have the same clans. However, a Kodaku is very clear about the difference between himself and the Korwa, and a clear-cut distinction is made when a Korwa asks a Kodaku about his tribe and vice-versa. Finally, the Kodakus are not happy to be called “Korwa.”[8]
1.5 GEOGRAPHICAL SET-UP OF KODAKUS IN THE DISTRICT OF SURGUJA
Physiographically Surguja District is just a great table and consisting of numerous hills and plateau. Except a low-lying basin in Southern-Central region, the entire District is continuous stretch of plateau-dotted with hills. The eastern part of District consists of an undulating table and about 2500 feet high and continuous with but slightly higher than, the Chhotanagpur physiographic formations locally known as Pat rise to elevations of 3500-4000 feet, forming in the north the boundary with Palamau District and blending in the South with the Hill system of Jashpur District. In the valley of the Kanhar, there is an abrupt descent of about 900 feet from the tableland of the East to the fairly level country of the district around Ambikapur. [9] In the geographical map only the several Catholic mission stations are found and on those areas the Kodakus are inhabited in quite a good number.
2.0 LIFE CYCLE: RITES AND RITUALS
2.1 FROM CONCEPTION TO BIRTH
The Kodaku women continue to carry out their duties at home, in the field and in the jungle even during the advanced stage of their pregnancy. To assist a woman during her delivery a Dai (midwife) is called. She is either a Kodaku woman or any other tribal woman; she does not receive any special training in midwifery and is helpless at the time cases of labour complications. However, she is a woman with experience and ability and has a natural inclination to help women in the time of their delivery. The birth of a child takes place in a corner of the verandah or in the house which is away from the kitchen and from the entrance of the house in order not to pollute the house and food. The Kodaku women usually give birth to the children without much difficulty and pain, in spite of hardly any modern medical facilities available to them. When the woman in labour is in great difficulty, county medicine is given to her or a dewar(diviner) is called to perform mantras(incantations). The father of the child is forbidden to see his new born baby for the next five/six days. They convey the message to him saying: “A new guest has come.”[10]
NAME GIVING
The purification is in the sixth day. On this day both the mother of the child and midwife perform the purification rites. The midwife offers the sacrifice of a chicken on the spot where the child was born. This sacrifice is offered to God in gratitude of the successful birth of the child. A few elderly persons are called from the village and the child is given a suitable name and the child is welcomed in society. Drink and dinner are served in the name of the new born child. On this day the midwife is given a gift for her help. The midwife used to receive Rs.10, a chicken and a bottle of country liquor in the past as her labour. Nowadays she charges between Rs.150 to Rs.200 or a Sari as the fee of her midwifery. There is no preference of male or female child in Kodaku society.[11] Both are accepted willingly and in the same degree.
2.2 INFANCY AND CHILDHOOD
Children are breast-fed as long as the milk supply is there. A child is fed as many times as he/she requires. Infants are given special care against exposure or other adverse weather conditions. The child is given a daily bath and given massage with mustard oil. Children are not given any special food. As children grow they go around playing and some times they go with their parents and do small works such as collecting mahuwa flowers and its fruit during its season. Children were not sent to schools previously. Now some of them have understood the importance of the education. So they send their children to the schools. However, not all of them do.
2.3 ADOLESCENCE
It is the time to imitate their parents. Boy goes for work as wage laborer on the road or at a farm and girl goes to fetch drinking water, or cook meals. This is the time when grown up boys and girls learn how to live in the society, how to behave, how to take responsibility etc. The parents train them on these matters, because their future life will be based on good character.
2.4 ADULTHOOD AND OLD AGE
As the boys and girls reach adulthood they are married. Among the Kodakus when a boy or a girl reaches his/her teenage they have to marry. After marriage they can take part in the village meetings and all the social celebrations. They take up the responsibility of the family.
Kodakus continue their gathering activities up to a very old age. So parents are never treated with disrespect and are maintained in a dignified way in the family. In their turn the old parents always help their sons with whom they live by looking after their grand children and engaging themselves into their light house-hold activities. They think that looking after old parents is an obligation of a son. They seldom depend upon their daughters.
2.5 SOCIAL TABOOS
Some of the social taboos of the Kodakus are as follows[12]
- No marriage between the same clan.
- No marriages out-side of the tribe.
- ‘Samdhi-Samdhin’ do not touch each-other.
- Women do not plough and do not climb up on the roof.
- Females during menstruation period do not enter into the main house and refrain themselves from cooking in the kitchen.
- Women do not call one’s husband by name.
- Kodaku women do not keep their hair untidy in the public.
- No offering of sacrifice by women.
- Women do not go to the burial ground to bury the dead.
2.6 MARRIAGE AMONG THE KODAKUS
Marriage is an important event in the life of the Kodakus. Marriage is almost always more than simply a legalized sexual union between a man and a woman. It is a socially acknowledged and approved. Notes and Queries on Anthropology (1954) gives its preliminary and useful definition as “a union between a man and a woman such that the children born to the woman are the recognized legitimate offspring of both partners” (p. 110).[13] These points to one important function of marriage in most societies including the Kodaku society, namely, it confers acknowledged social status on the offspring. This is evidently a matter of great importance with regard to such matters as inheritance and succession. The Kodakus marry within their tribe. One’s own clan (goti), marriages between uncle and niece, aunt and nephew are prohibited. The marriageable age of a Kodaku boy is between fifteen to Eighteen years and for a girl Thirteen to fifteen years. An ideal marriage lasts for a lifetime and blessed with numerous offspring. However, divorce and separation are permitted when the couples are not compatible. The main purpose of marriage is to found a family and procreate children.
The Kodakus stress the aspect of companionship more than other aspects. Interestingly, exchange of sisters through marriage is permitted, namely, the husband’s sister may get married with the wife’s brother. Marriage is an important event in the life, so it is a social act where whole community is involved. All young and old men and women of the village take part in the marriage and enjoy the marriage feast.
There are two forms of marriage: (a) Marwa/ Mando Biyah
(b) Suga Biyah
A family opts for either of these forms according to its economic conditions. If it can afford to bear high expenses of the marriage then it may opt for the Mando Biyah.[14] This form of marriage is more expensive than the Suga Biyah which is more prevalent among the Kodakus because generally they are poor. In both form of the wedding, a few days before the marriage the agua and some of other male members of the bridegroom’s party reach the wedding gifts to family of the bride as given below:
(a) dali/karnfuul (flowers to decorate the ear)[15]
(B) Mai Saari (a long piece of female cotton garment for the mother to wear)
(c)Aji Ledri (a thick piece of cotton cloth for the Grand Mother to cover herself with in winter)
(d) Mama Chheri (a goat for the Maternal Uncle)
(e) Sara Dhoti (a long piece of cotton male garment for the younger brother of the bride to wear),
(f) Barkach (a thick cotton blanket for the bride’s elder brother to cover with in winter)
2.7 MARRIAGE RULES
- Endogamy is valued among the kodakus but breaches are never very seriously taken.
- Monogamy is practiced in the society. Polygamy is permitted but rarely practiced.
- Exchange of the sisters through marriage is permitted.
- Cousin marriage is prohibited.
- Marriage in the same clan (goti) is prohibited.
2.8 MARRIAGE BOUNDARY
The Kodakus marry within a set of villages that they can visit so many occasions and usually from within this set of villages they choose partners. The preference for marriage within the neighboring villages is so intense among the Kodakus that the average distance between villages connected through marriage is only 16-20 miles. They sometimes marry within the village itself. Now, however, some way or other they know the far distant places to seek the spouses.
2.9 MARRIAGE DICISIONS AND SPOUSE SELECTION
The Kodakus enjoy much freedom in their selection of mates. If the parents arrange the marriage, then the consent of the son/daughter does not give consent in the matter, then parents do not force/compel him/ her to do so. If the son/ the daughter has decided and selected a fitting mate for marriage the parents generally do not oppose the decision. In the rare cases parents oppose their sons/ daughters while selecting the boy/girl. Sometimes their relatives play a great role to do so. Sometimes parents request to do so, if the parents are not able to find a suitable boy/girl. Only one thing is to be taken care that they should not be of the same clan (goti).[16]
2.10 WEDDING CEREMONIES
Marriage is a life-long contract between a man and a woman. It is also a union of life-long companionship for begetting children and perpetuating one’s family. There are many small rituals associated with marriage. As the agreement is made by the bridegroom and bride parties, the news about the marriage is sent to relatives and they are invited for the wedding. Invitation is given in the form of unboiled (arwa) rice mixed with turmeric. The fixed day for marriage is told and explained. The relatives come from far and wide. The bridegroom’s party goes to the village of the bride. Usually, women do not go with the party. Only two/ three girls go in order to accompany the bride on her way to the bridegroom’s house.
The first bridegroom’s party is welcomed by washing the feet of its members. All the marriage ceremonies take place at night. The first ceremony is known as Samdhimilan (meeting of the fathers-in-laws). At this ceremony, the bridegroom’s father is received by the bride’s father. This takes place either at the outskirt of the village at a little distance from the bride’s house. There they sit on a mat opposite to each-other. They exchange their bottles of daru (country liquor distilled from mahua flower) brought by them separately.
The bridegroom’s party proceeds further and reaches the bride’s house. The fathers of the spouses go inside the house with the middleman who had brought the two parties together and helped in the negotiation. They drink liquor inside the house provided by the bride’s father. This ceremony is known as nathanidaru which symbolizes the final approval of the marriage from both the parties. After this the bride is given her wedding articles to wear brought by the bridegroom’s party. She wears those articles and comes out from the house and salutes all those who are present and then onwards she is considered as a member of her future husband’s family.
Once this ceremony gets over, a session of feasting is organized in which a good amount of drink and meal are served to all the members present there. After having this festive meal; singing, dancing and beating of drums go on throughout the night and at one stage the bride herself joins the dance party. The following morning the bridegroom’s party along with the bride and other guests returns to bridegroom’s house. The negotiation talks are done through a middleman called ‘Agua’ who is in the most of the cases belongs to the bridegroom’s /bride’s (goti) clan.[17] He is a senior member and he alone is responsible for any complications like that of dissolution of this marriage in future. It is to be noted that there is no dowry system among the Kodakus. Relatives, however, offer some gifts for the married couple. There is practice of paying the ‘bride price’ which is known as ‘Bunda’. Its amount is not fixed but it is very important in any marriage. It is a symbol of accepting the bride by and handing her over to a responsible Kutumb or family. In reality, there is no question of any buying or selling of a bride among the Kodakus.
2.11 DISSOLUTION OF MARRIAGE
Due to high incidence of divorce in the Kodaku society, remarriage is equally important. A Kodaku man or woman can marry again unless they are too old and invalid. After the dissolution of the first marriage, both the man and woman are allowed to remarry. The second marriage is not as solemn as the first one. Usually, the separated spouse without children does not marry a widow or a widower. Those spouses, who had children but dissolved their marriages, can marry a widow or widower. The marriage of a widow and a widower is quite frequent in the Kodaku society under study.
2.12 REMARRIAGE
There is a short ceremony for the dissolution. If the married couple finds it difficult to live together as husband and wife they are free to separate. They make it known to their respective partners before separation. Dissolution can take place even when a wife is pregnant and even after having children. However these are rare cases. The husband and his parents with some elders of the village go to the house of the wife’s parents along with the middleman who played an important role during the marriage. Both the husband and wife are asked once’s again in the meeting whether they had decided to separate and not live together as husband and wife. If the answer is positive, the actual dissolution rite is performed.
The mukhia (head) of the village conducts the dissolution ceremony. He asks for a lota (brass jar) full of water and a coin in it, a blade of grass, turmeric and an axe. He sits facing east and prays to God for the separating spouses. He asks the husband to come close to him and puts the lota on his head then on the ground for five times. The wife is also required to repeat the same after the husband has completed his turn.[18] The mukhia then cuts the turmeric, blade of grass into two pieces and gives each piece to the husband and his wife and declares their marriage as dissolved. After this both the man and woman greet all present by bowing down or touching the feet of each one present there. Then the man and woman greet each other addressing and requesting each other that there should not be any enmity and rancour between the two villages and their residents because of the present separation. The dissolution then comes to its completion. Before the real and actual dissolution ceremony starts, the father of the woman pays the bunda(wedding gifts) back to the man’s party. Out of that amount, the mukhia performing the dissolution is given a small amount. From the balance some amount is given to the villagers for drinks.
2.13 NEW CHANGES
According to the present-day custom, in some cases a Pandit (Brahmin) is called in the bride’s family to perform the wedding ceremony under the mandap he draws a rectangle and its diagonals with flour. This is called chauka. He keeps two sakhua leaves over it, one of the bride and the other for the bridegroom. Both of them sit over the leaves. The Pandit brings, fire on a tile and ghee and water in a lota and mango leaves to sprinkle water and performs the marriage rites. After this the bride and the bridegroom get up.[19] The bride takes fried rice in both of her hands joined together. And the groom holds her hand from behind and both of them walk together. As they walk, the bride keeps dropping the fried rice. They make five rounds of the mandap. After this they exchange sindur by applying into each others forehead.
At present many are in touch with Christians and they accepted Christianity. Thus the Christian Kodakus marry according to the Church rites in the Church and priest blesses the marriage. After the blessing in the Church, they observe some of their own traditional rituals and customs in the village and in the house.
2.14 DEATH
The Kodakus believe in the life after death and many of them change their house by building new ones after some body dies in the family. They think that the spirit of the dead person may give them trouble. Kodakus know that death is a natural process. They believe that those deceased persons enter into another world and they will meet those souls who died before them. The Kodakus generally bury their dead. All adult dead are buried in the common burial ground of the village. For children there is a separate burial ground. Those women who die during childbirth are buried outside of village somewhere in the jungle.[20] Only in exceptional cases the dead body is cremated. The women and children do not go to the burial ground.
2.15 BURIAL RITES
However, if a non-Kodaku girl has married a Kodaku boy and she dies, then she is cremated because she belonged to another community. The dead body is taken out and kept outside the house. Women put water with the help of a cup into the mouth of the dead person. This is called dharma paani meaning water given in gratitude for all the good deeds the person had done in his or her lifetime. They also give soil to the person being carried to the graveyard. These things are done near the house because women do not go to the graveyard. They mop the floor with cow dung where the dead body was kept and sprinkle ashes over it and close the door. Men give dharma paani just before burying the dead person at the graveyard as part of paying the last homage to him/her. The dead body is taken five rounds of the grave before getting buried. The head is kept towards the North.[21]
After coming back from burial, they examine the footprints of different insects, animals, etc, on the ashes sprinkled over the floor and interpret whether the person had a peaceful journey after his/her death or it was a troublesome one. If there was an animal footprint (a cat) then they believe that he/she had troublesome journey and if there was mere footprints of some insects or no footprints then they believe that he/ she had peaceful journey. After this ritual they apply turmeric and oil on their feet with a stick. They are kept outside the house. This is meant for ritual purification.
Those who die unnatural death become evil spirits to give trouble to people. According to the Kodakus belief, a woman who dies while giving birth to a child becomes an evil spirit and is called Churail.[22] Her leg is broken before burial and she is buried far away from the house.
2.16 GAMI (BHOJ/PANI NAHAAN)
On 12th day after the death of a person Gami ceremony is performed. The male members of the family of the dead person shave their heads. Some of the other men in the village also shave their heads. This is also the sign of purification. Till this day the family members of a dead person abstain from specially the elder members not taking salt and also abstain from eating meat and fish. The elder members in the dead person’s family offer food and water in sakhua leaf cups to the departed member. He keeps them where the paths cross each other saying: “Father/Mother/Sister, I have brought food and water for you”. There after all go to river to take bath in the name of the departed member. The family members are made to stand together in the river. A dewar ties a thread around them and breaks it. At the same time he plucks the head of a chicken and blows in the water of the river. This chicken is offered to chaonra-bhaonra,[23] the spirit causing the dead of a person so that it may not give trouble again to the family members.
After this ceremony, the dewar finds the mua (spirit) of the dead person. He takes two grains of kurthi pulse and drops them in a deep plate filled with water. One of the two pulses grains he identifies as the mua of the dead person and gives it to the elder members of the family. A small wood is made flat and a little wet flour is applied over it on which the pulse representing the mua is stuck to bring it home.
After taking bath, people go back home taking along with them the mua and water in a lota which is covered with leaves. Before entering into the house, they make a very small shed of grass and put fire to it saying: “Your house is burning.” After this the elder members of the family take the mua and the lota with water inside the house and keeps the latter on the chulha (oven).
As he walks inside, he goes on pouring water on the floor. Two chickens are sacrificed on this day, one for the ancestors and the other for the dead person. It is followed by a big celebration. For Gami celebration villagers contribute a fixed amount of rice. The shade of a dead person is also called mara may come down in that child. This form of presence is called diwir. It is not necessary that a male mara should become diwir only in the male child or female mara should become diwir only in the female child. Rather, a male mara can become diwir in both the male and female children. Similarly, a female mara can also become diwir in both the male and female children.[24] Today what is commonly observed in the area under study is that after any member of the family dies, the living members leave the old house to build a new house. They do the same when someone from the family suffers from any serious sickness for a very long time.
3.0 LIVELIHOOD OF THE KODAKUS
Traditional occupation of the Kodakus was food gathering and agriculture. Only a few persons among them have cultivable land. Nowadays, they primarily depend on agricultural as well as non-agricultural labours. They also collect the firewood from the forest to sell. The Kodaku women do household work, take part in economical activities and work as agricultural and non-agricultural labourers. Most of them are illiterate and owing to poverty, their children rarely study beyond the primary school level.
3.1 GATHERING MATERIALS
The relation between the Kodakus life and the forest is very intimate; the forest provides food materials and delicacies to build houses, fuel for cooking. It has also the religious and social attachments. The gathering materials are mainly from the forest. The Kodakus collect fruits when they are ripe, roots, edible leaves like hes’aar’a (peeper saage) which they eat. They also gather tree leaves, flowers and fruits that they sell. There are certain kinds of mushrooms which are cooked and eaten. Karil (young bamboo shoots) is first boiled in water and then cooked and eaten.[25] The Kodakus have discovered the properties of a variety of wild plants, leaves, flowers, fruits, roots and tubers and other items of the produce of their native forests. Some of these are used as food while others are used as medicines. The dry flowers of mahua and fruits of sakhua are boiled and eaten.
3.2 HUNTING
Hunting was the most important element in the life of the kodakus in the past, when there were thick forests. They were living in the jungle and hunting of wild animals and birds were one of the quests of the kodakus for food. At present it is not possible and today it is not much practiced because government has put restrictions against killing wild animals in the jungle. [26] Some of the wild animals found in the Kodaku area for hunting were Rabbit, wild Chicken, wild Pig, Bana(Bear), Gaari(Monkey), Saara(Langur), Saraam(Deer), Sileeb(wild goat) etc. these animals provide food as well as entertainment. Hunting has been ceremony in the Kodaku society and thus the hunting equipments were the products of forest like bows, arrows, staff, handle of axes and spades etc.
3.3 FISHING
Fishing was one of the side means for food. Occasionally, the Kodakus go fishing in their native streams and pools. fishing instruments are: fishing hook and line, nets, Chhopa (fishing trap)etc. a less frequent method of fishing used is to erect an embankment around in one portion of a river or stream or tank where there are fish in good quantity. Having done this, they sprinkle and spread into this embanked portion. The crushed fruits, barks of some special plants and shrubs like the mawain plants.[27] The fish get intoxicated by the effect of this water and come up to its surface and cannot move swiftly. They are thus caught with nets easily. This method of fishing is called manj catch. And there are many methods to fish. They erect embankment on the top side to stop the flow of water. Having done this, remaining water below the stoppage in the embarked channel is emptied with bamboo baskets called chorya and fish are collected.
3.4 LABOUR
The economic conditions of the Kodakus are not so good. Therefore the poor Kodakus depend totally on the rich people and work under different categories of people like Yadavs, Banias, Landlords etc. for; there is no other way to get their daily bread. Obliged by circumstances, they are ready to work for low wages, they work whole day under these landlords and get only fifteen or twenty rupees only as daily wages. Some are cheated very badly and paid only some five or ten rupees per day.
Today the circumstances are changing people are not so easily cheated like that. They go for road labour and a variety of unskilled employments from time to time like carrying loads from place to place, digging wells and such kinds of works. There are three distinct types of works among the Kodakus on the basis of terms of land employment. They are annual, seasonal contract and daily. So the payment they take is either cash or in terms of grains. However, when it is on a daily wage basis, they work from to 10 hours a day and six working days in a week.
3.5 MARKETING
Mostly the Kodakus depend on weekly markets and local businessmen for a few essential commodities like salt, tobacco, biri, clothes and cheap ornaments. These commodities are purchased only on cash payment. Rice, vegetables and spices are purchased only on cash payment. The money earned by them in exchange of their labour produced is utilized for such purchases. Kodakus do not sell the produces of agriculture because they are not enough for the year.[28] However, they do sell the jungle products in the local markets. They also sell bamboo baskets made by them. At present almost in every village there are shops run by other communities. Where different things of daily needs are sold. So they could buy their necessary things from it. In some places, the agents of big merchants from towns visit the villages in the month of April and May to buy mahua flower in order to sell it at a higher price in towns. In these local markets, shop keepers have their monopoly because people are poor, uneducated, simple as well as they have no proper roads for transport facilities. Taking their undue advantage these business people buy the agricultural and forest produce at a very low price and sell them to the same producers later at a very high price. These exploiters are not checked by government officials. These days a few of the Kodakus are being encouraged by NGOs to engage themselves in trade and technical works some of them are already trained and have started these professions at their respective places and are doing well.[29]
3.6 AGRICULTURE
Traditional occupation of the Kodakus was food gathering and agriculture. The most of the Kodakus are either landless or holding a few acres of land. But they are frequently oppressed by the Yadavs (cattle breeders) and other castes. Many of them lost their fields because they had taken loans from the Yadavs and could not pay them back. Consequently, the Yadavs have illegally occupied their land. Some of the agriculturist Kodakus, partially not totally depend on forest for their day-to-day life. They have cleaned the forest and made the land suitable for cultivation with their own efforts and hard woks, when the time came for the cultivation. The same works continued with the agriculturist Kodakus, wherever they got settled. Kodakus do not do much of paddy cultivation because most of them have taarn (plain field) where paddy cannot be cultivated, only about 20 per. Kodaku families possess enough land and the rest of them depend on with daily labour, work in the others fields as daily laborers. The quality of the soil in the uplands is stony and still poorer; productivity of the land for agriculture depends largely on adequate seasonal rains. They produce paddy, wheat maize, jwar, Chana (gram), kurthi (horse gram) urad, arhar (red gram), teesi, teel, ground nut, mustard etc.[30] At present they grow some vegetables such as sweet potatoes, potatoes, tomatoes, brinjal, onion, garlic beans, lady’s finger, cucumber, radish, pumpkin etc.
CHAPTER 2
RELIGIOUS BELIEF AND FESTIVALS
2.1 RELIGIOUS BELIEF
The Kodaku religion is centered on the belief that there is a supernatural being that shapes the destiny of man and the creation. Except a few people, all believe in existence of God. There are many religions according to which people call God in different names and worship Him. There are many philosophers, who teach about God. “The Kodakus also believe in God, calling Him Bhagwan, as their supreme God and Mahadeo (great God) and Parvati as their main deities.”[31] They also believe that there are supernatural beings besides the Bhagwan.
2.2 BELIEF IN NATURE
The Kodakus depend very much on the forest. For a Kodaku the very life experience reveals the mysteries of life. When we look at forest in faith perspective of the Kodakus, we find that they consider forest and whole nature as the gift of God. God Himself creates nature for the human beings. So they collect various things from forest and thus nature becomes very sacred for them.
2.3 BELIEF IN ANCESTRAL WORSHIP
Many of the societies have the veneration of ancestors. The kodakus believe that dead ancestors have turned into invisible spirits and live in the spirit world. However, the living members in the family feel a deep union with them. Therefore, venerations of ancestors among Kodakus are found more at family level than at village or community level. They believe that the dead ancestors are very close to them and are much concerned about the family and its well being. At the family level, the head of the family venerates the ancestor. He offers cooked rice, meat and liquor to them. At the village level, all ancestors are venerated and honored by a baiga (village priest). He takes the name of the ancestors while offering sacrifices to them. He asks their blessings upon the village and its inhabitants.[32] There are two important feasts, namely naya khani and phagua when the Kodakus remember and venerate their ancestors in a special way. It is done at the sacred place inside the house and then the family members take their meal.
2.4 BELIEF IN GOOD AND EVIL SPIRITS
2.4.1 GOOD SPIRITS
Kodakus call good spirits Devi-Devta, who are very active in their own places and areas. These spirits are believed to be very sincere in their duties. However, when their desires are not fulfilled then they may create problem, trouble and sickness. Usually the bad spirits are believed to create problems and troubles. Darha is one of these spirits. Alwa who is the second pujari (offerer of sacrifices) in the village has to keep Darha happy. This spirit protects and guards the village against all its enemies. If foreign spirits try to come into the village, Darha fights against them and sends them out of the village and its surrounding. If this spirit is not happy, sickness may enter a village, cattle of the village may die and the people in the village may suffer from sicknesses.[33] That is the reason why the alwa tries to keep this spirit well pleased. It is also called the pillar of a village. Together with protecting the village it also protects the paddy in the field.
PAAT-PAHAR DEVI (spirit of plateaus and hills) is a female spirit which has got a particular area, such as, forest, river, hill, etc. the Kodakus believe that she helps them in having abundant game during their hunting expeditions. With her help they do not lose their way when they are outdoors, thus, they come back home and to their community safe and sound.
NAAG-DEVTA The kodakus believe that Naag-Devta (Cobra-Spirit) helps them to get good rain. That is why their baiga has a special duty to please this spirit so that the village community does not lack rain during the year.
SATI (village guardian spirit) has a special place among the Kodakus. Each village has a small wooden hut for her to reside. The baiga offers the sacrifice of a goat, fowl and coconut according to the need and promise that the community members had made and consequently the village community may suffer from all kinds of sickness, natural and unnatural calamities.[34]
All the above mentioned spirits are the guardian spirits of the Kodakus. Before going for digging roots or hunting, sowing or harvesting, while eating the fruits of their fields, they pray for the blessings of these spirits. They believe that the spirits have control over nature. The people of each village must offer periodic sacrifices to them. The baiga is responsible for these sacrifices and rituals because he is elected by the village community members.
2.4.2 EVIL SPIRITS
The Kodakus believe that there are some evil spirits which can create problems and troubles. According to the baiga there is a female spirit called Dakin Mua who catches the young girls during their menstruation period. The Kodakus believe that under her attack a young girl falls sick. Therefore, in order to protect such young girls the baiga offers the sacrifice of a fowl to please the spirit. If this sacrifice is not offered, she may kill the girl. This also happens with regard to young boys. Those whom the spirit likes, invites for sexual union and when a boy is engaged in such a union he gets thinner and thinner and dries up. In order to protect young boys from such a calamity, therefore, the baiga offers sacrifice in the same way as mentioned above.[35]
The Kodakus believe when people sleep at night, prêt (evil spirit) attacks them. This phenomenon is known as shadow covering. It may take place in the apparitions of different persons, such as, a woman, a young girl, a strong person, etc, in order to get rid of this phenomenon, the baiga offers the sacrifice of a fowl to the prêt and it leaves the person free.
CHURAIL MUANTHIS is spirit of a woman who dies in pregnancy or in the time of delivery. It attacks small children. It is said that it can steal them when they are left alone in the field or jungle and the mother is at work. If it troubles anyone, the Baiga has to offer a sacrifice in order to free him or her from it.
CHHITA spirit troubles those people who go to some particular place, such as, a river, a big pond, a thick forest, etc. the sign of chhita is a terrible pain in the stomach, fever, vomiting, etc. for remedying this trouble the baiga or an elderly person performs some ritual or offers something for the chhita spirit to eat and it leaves the person free.
BAGH MUA (Tiger spirit) the Kodakus believe that a person who gets killed by a tiger turns into a Bagh mua. This spirit troubles and frightens people when they go from place to place in the jungle.[36]
SĀT BAHNI (seven sisters) when Sāt Bahni spirits catch someone, that person gets sick and sees vision of girls. These spirits can call anyone out of the house at any time of the day or night. This happens time and again to a particular person whom the Sāt bahni spirits have got under their control. In order to free a person from such a control, the baiga performs some rituals and offers the sacrifice of a fowl and the affected person becomes normal. A person who is affected by the Sāt bahni spirits needs to be looked after well otherwise he or she may lose his or her life.
2.5 LIFE AFTER DEATH
According to Kodakus, life in this world is meant to enjoy and prepare oneself for eternal happiness. They know that death is a natural process. So they try to live a good life. They believe that all will meet their ancestors and Mahadeo in their abode of peace and happiness. They also believe that the end of their life will be according to their moral or immoral behaviour. If they act well in their lifetime, do some good works, live pure life, that will go to the abode of love and reunite with their ancestors. If one’s life is bad and immoral, then one will go to place of torture.
The Kodakus do not believe in rebirth. According to them life is real and ultimate. Since it is real, they try to be good people. “They believe that there is a place of eternal happiness and also a place of punishment after death. The people who have lived a good life will have place of unending joy while others who have lived a bad life will go to the place of their punishment.”[37]
3.0 FEASTS AND FESTIVALS
The Kodakus have their feast and festivals. These are related to their religion, social and agriculture. They have their own way of celebrating them. Kodakus like very much singing and dancing. Singing and dancing are inseparable from their life. They have old and traditional musical instruments, which they use during dancing and singing. They have their own songs. Earlier, the Kodakus sang their songs in their language itself. At present unfortunately they sing in Sadri, the local dialect of the area, which is the common language of the people in Surguja district. However, their songs are not pure Sadri. It is something like broken Sadri, mixed with kodwa (dialect) and Sadri. They celebrate Sondo, Karam, Phagun, and Sohrai etc.
3.1 SONDO
Sondo is an important dance. It is believed that this dance was started by Mahadeo and Gauri. Villagers together with village leader decide the common place and fix the day of sondo. Usually the day is on Monday or Friday. It is celebrated in the lunar month of Aghan (November and December) and Baisakh (April and May) twice in a year. The dance during the month of Aghan is performed in honour of Gauri (Parvati). The dance during the month of Baisakh is performed in honour of Mahadeo-Parvati in which the baiga offers the sacrifice of a pig to them. On the eve of the sondo day, the statues of Mahadeo and Parvati are made during which the following song is sung:
flfjtyk xs flfjtyk xs ckck
ekb eq;ku /kjrh ukA
dgk¡ dsj ekVh egknso dgk¡ dsj ikuh
/kjrh dsj ekVh] lsanwj dsj ikuhA
cuky xkSjh dsdjk nks"ks js
dsdjk uk
egknso dsj uk
3.2 KARAM
Karam is another important feast for Kodakus. It is celebrated in the Lunar month of Aghan (November and December). This is individual feast. In reality a person or a family celebrates it. Sacrifice is offered to Karamdev (Karam Raja) villagers support the person who celebrates. Baiga and alwa are served well and good meal and liquor is given. Then dancing and singing go on whole night. There are two kinds of Karam feasts: Debi Karam, and Raj Raasi.
In Debi Karam all the expenses related to the rituals of the feast are taken care by a family. And in Raj Raasi karam the expenses related to the rituals are given by the whole village community. After fetching the karam branch, it is handed over to the Dewar to give respect to it and to venerate it. It is then planted in the akhra (dance ground) and is planted there for the public.[39] After completing all the rituals, and before the karam dance begins, a song is sung as follows:
mÙkj ck¡/kks nf[ku ck¡/kks] ck¡/kks pfj;ks dksu js
gk; yky ck¡/kks uk uk
iq:c ck¡/kks ifNe ck¡/kks] ck¡/kks pfj;ks dksu js
gk; yky ck¡/kks uk uk
ek;&csVh Mkbu ck¡/kks ckis&csVk nsoj
gk; yky ck¡/kks uk
There are many beautiful karam stories related to celebrate it. Among them one of those stories goes as given below:
God made Mahadeo and Gauri (man and woman) in the beginning. He told them to take care of a garden. All the flowers and fruits of the garden were for their livelihood. One day the woman ate the fruit of baer (wild berry). She gave the baer fruit to her husband and wanted that he too should eat it. He did not like to eat but she pestered him to eat and so he ate it and the seed of the baer got stuck in his throat. That is the reason why there is a ball-like shape (Adam’s apple) in the throat of a man. Since the woman was able to swallow it, women do not have the Adam’s apple. God was displeased with their doing and took them out of the garden and sent them to the earth where they had to undergo all experience of joy and pain.[40]
For his own worship, God gave power to Mahadeo and Gauri to make human beings, animals and other creatures. So, Mahadeo first of all made a horse. After that he made many images of human beings with clay. However, the horse from a little distance was coming neighing and breaking those images. This happened several times. Mahadeo was worried. So, Gauri told him, “Make a dog to protect these images.” Mahadeo did so. Now when the horse would come to destroy the images, the dog would jump up around them and bark at the horse. The images were thus saved and became alive as human beings.
Similarly, after making various kinds of animals, birds and other living beings; there still remained wet clay. Mahadeo made two sisters with it but did not give them any definite place to live. They were left free. So, the sisters were roaming around and felt hungry. They wanted to pluck baer fruits and eat but they were rotten with worms inside. They did not eat them. Further ahead, they came to an urid (pulse plant) field. They wanted to pluck its pods and eat the seeds but they were also rotten and with worms. They proceeded ahead sad and met a Cowherd. They requested him to give them milk. He asked them to milk the cow and drink but the cow charged them with horns and kick them. They asked the Cowherd again to give them something to eat. He felt pity on them and sent his son home to tell his mother to cook food. After some time came home along with the two sisters with great respect they were told to be seated and meal was served to them. However, they disappeared from there and a tiny karam plant grew up in the courtyard. The family members thought that two sisters had changed into that plant and venerated it and gave it various offerings. They pass on this information among their village folk and all together venerate the above plant. This is the origin of karam celebration. Sondo (Mahadeo and Gauri) and karam are important feasts among the Kodakus. They are deeply rooted in their belief system and devotion.
3.3 PHAGUN
This festival is celebrated in the lunar month of Phagun (February and March). This is an annual festival of the Kodakus. On this occasion the Kotwar (messenger) announces the feast to the villagers. In the evening they gather and fetch dry wood and other fuel for burnings. They bring a Semar (cotton tree) branch and fix on the ground.[41] Then the Baiga prays to God that village may be free from sicknesses he lets the hen loose into the burning fire. From here they begin to throw ashes and colours on one another, sing and dance joyfully. They throw colours only on those with whom they have fun and joking relationship. And they go to take bath and return home to celebrate the feast.
3.4 SOHRAI
This is celebrated on the eve of the new moon day in the lunar month of Kartik (October and November). It is celebrated in honour of cattle. As its preparation they apply oil on the horns of cows, oxen, lambs and goats beginning from fifth day before the feast and concluding it on feast day.
On the feast day, light is lit on the earthen lamps and kept on the cowshed and around the house. At night is singing of Sohrai songs and dancing, the boys play the stick games. In the morning there is sacrifice offering of a pig or a fowl to the cattle spirit, so that it may protect cattle. Then there is good festive meal and presents are given for the Gayaars (cowherds).
CHAPTER 3
THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY
3.1 BRIEF HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE DISTRICT OF SURGUJA
In the beginning of 1948 the feudal states merged into India March 18, 1885 . By its decree of December 13th 1951 , the Holy See further divided the Ranchi Bihar and Madhya Pradesh and constituted the diocese of Raigarh-Ambikapur. Oscar Severin S.J. Was appointed its Bishop. In 1977 Raigarh-Ambikapur was again divided and Ambikapur was erected as new diocese. The area of diocese is 22,327 Sq. kms. Bp Philip Ekka S.J. was the first Bishop of Ambikapur. He was consecrated Bp on Feb. 26, 1978 . The patron of the diocese is “Immaculate mother of God.” In 1985, Bp Philip S.J. was transferred to Raipur Bhopal Oct. 18, 1996 , the present Bp of the diocese of Ambikapur.
Already in the time of great pioneer Fr. Lievens S.J. (approx. 1890) delegates from Surguja walked 200 kms on foot to Ranchi India Bihar , the present Jharkhand. And Jodhpur Parish was started in 1947. Four other mission stations were established. During the erection of the separate diocese of Ambikapur. There were fifteen parishes and nine religious societies. Five religious societies of fathers and four religious societies of sisters. As the independence of Christianity dawned, the diocese saw bright light and great future. At present the diocese is co-extensive with the civil districts of Surguja and Korea
3.2 THE INFLUENCE OF JESUIT MISSIONARIES
The early history of the Catholic Church in Chotanagpur region is related to the history of the Jesuit mission. From the time Christianity arrived in surguja district of Chhattisgarh state, the evangelization work is realized as liberation and salvation for Kodakus, because they were like “sheep without a shepherd.” The missionaries have taken great efforts to proclaim the good News to those Kodaku people. They went place to place where people do not know Christ and showed great respect to their culture and character as they are. This made the Kodaku people to feel and realize that “their saviour is alive” it is God’s love and providence that Christian missionaries were sent to this Kodaku area in the forest.
The Christian missionaries namely Fr. Joseph Binje S.J. from Belgium and his companions arrived in Surguja (present Ambikapur Diocese) and came forward to rescue and liberate the kodaku people from exploitation and oppression, miseries and also from the lost life in the jungle and brought a new life to them.[43] Fr. Joseph Binje, S.J. had deep concern and love for Kodakus right from the beginning till his death. In the mission of Surguja, Fr. Joseph Binje S.J. established the first Kodaku mission station in Wadrafnagar 92 kms far from Ambikapur. He helped Kodakus in various ways by establishing the several mission stations. He was a man of vision. At present there are more than twelve parishes working among kodakus. Within the short period of the kodaku mission, the diocese has ordained two kodaku priests and still some of the young men are in formation houses. Thanks to Jesuit missionaries and all the Diocesan priests and others over there.
3.3 THE PRESENT FACTS OF THE DIOCESE[44]
Mission Stations -50- Diocesan Priests -94
- Jesuit Priests -30
- Other Religious Priests -10
- Religious Sisters- 423
- Religious Societies (congregations)
(A) Fathers -3
(B) Brothers- 2
(C) Sisters -27
7. Institutions in the Diocese
(A) Ecclesiastical (Apostolic Schools)- 2
(B) Education
Colleges-3
Higher Secondary Schools -23
High Schools -22
Middle Schools -40
Primary Schools-60
(C)Medical Dispensaries- 36
(D)Hospitals- 1
3.4 EVANGELIZATION AMONG THE KODAKUS
When the Kodakus were passing through a period of crises in the form of exploitation at the hand of the landlords and money-lenders they were lost in the jungle. Meanwhile the Christian missionaries came over to Surguja from Belgium
The Kodaku culture, religion and values are close to the Gospel values preached by Christian missionaries. Thus the ground for the Gospel message was already prepared among the Kodaku tribes. From the time Christianity arrived in Surguja district of Chhattisgarh state, the evangelization work is realized as liberation and salvation for Kodakus, because they were like “Sheep without a shepherd.” The missionaries have taken great efforts to proclaim the Good News to these Kodaku people. They went place to place where people do not know Christ and showed great respect to their culture and character as they are. Christianity has provided the institutionalized services to the people in education, health, socio-economic development projects and soon many missionaries men and women are working in the field of medicine and faith which heal the both in religious and secular life of the people. If we go through the history of Christianity in the area of Kodakus we see that Christian missions have given a renewal sense of their identity.
In the mission of Surguja, the first Kodaku mission station was established in Wadrafnagar as a mother Church by Fr. Joseph Binje S.J. He was parish priest of that mission station. He helped Kodakus in many ways to come up. He established several mission stations, schools, health centers, Balwari schools, and adult education centers and built houses for Kodakus. He did the wonderful works successfully, bringing them out from the darkness of illiteracy, poverty, oppression, all sorts of problems and difficulties, and putting them in the light of joy and happiness where the Kodakus could enjoy their real and full life as human beings. So, today Kodakus look at Joseph Binje S.J. as a Saviour and could accept Christianity.[45] There are twelve parishes in the Ambikapur Diocese which are established in the Kodaku areas. Every parish is doing wonderful work of evangelization and welfare among the Kodaku brothers and sisters in its own way. As a result of these marvelous works, there are many Kodaku Catechists and also good number of vocation to priesthood. Wadrafnagar being a mother Church of Kodakus
3.5 CHALLENGES IN MISSION WORK AMONG THE KODAKUS
In the beginning the evangelization among the Kodakus was very difficult because the missionaries were forbidden to stay among them. After the separation of Ambikapur diocese from Raigarh, many mission stations were established. Though there was and is a continuous challenge from various Hindu groups like-B.J.P., RSS and Bajrang Dal, Kodakus have been suppressed and oppressed by these Hindu groups right from the beginning till now. They did not want to see missionaries in those Kodaku areas. Actually, they do not want to see the development and civilization of the Kodakus in their areas. So they have been a threat to the Kodaku tribals and also to missionaries. In spite of all these challenges it is the effort of the missionaries that mission work of evangelization is being carried out in the Kodaku areas.
3.5.1 ILLITERACY
In the beginning when missionaries came in the Surguja most of the kodakus were illiterates. Lack of education among the Kodakus was an obstacle for the missionaries. And it was very difficult to impart to them the new message, the message of Christ. Their understanding about the education was not so good. They used to question themselves what was the use and need of education? They did not want to be educated. Kodaku parents had wrong idea about education. They were thinking that by going to school their children would forget their culture, custom and tradition. Because Kodakus value their tradition and culture so much that what they profess or think is the absolute one. So they always want to keep up their tradition and culture.
3.5.2 ECONOMIC STATE OF THE KODAKUS
Poverty in the Kodaku tribe was another obstacle to evangelization among them. Economically they were far behind than others. Since their lives were completely depended on the food gatherings from the forest.Because they were rarely found in the village or at home during the day.[46] They did not have time to visit or to listen to the word of God preached by missionaries. And also some of the Kodakus were living under the bondage and slavery in the house of landlords in order to support their families. So hardly they were allowed to go anywhere but have to work. So in the beginning missionaries felt uneasy to make contact with these people. For these, poverty and ignorance of the Kodakus alone cannot be blamed for hampering their development because in the past government as well as other agencies have also neglected them. The government tried to promote some development works among them but the lower officials in the department misused the funds and nothing much could be done.
3.6 THE MEANS OF EVANGELIZATION
Christianity has provided various selfless services for the growth of the Kodakus, so that these backward people may make their place and identity in the society. Through the institutionalized services, the Christian missionaries desire to preach the good news not only to Kodakus but also to other scheduled tribes and non Christians around there.
3.6.1 VARIOUS PROJECTS FOR KODAKUS
Before the erection of new diocese called Ambikapur, there was a project known as CRS just to help all the poor living in rural areas. This project was not meant for any particular group or tribe, but for all the backward tribal people. Through CRS project so many people both men and women benefited in the diocese of Raigarh and Anbikapur. Today the same project still exists in the diocese of Ambikapur run by the diocesan fathers.[47] By this project not only Kodakus but also other tribal and non tribal people have been influenced and have realized the love of God. There is another project basically meant for tribals, known as “Tribal Development Programme” run by diocesan fathers. Its main center is in Pratappur mission station. Many Kodaku Catechists and Kodaku animators are involved to work among their own people. The main concern of this project is to help the Kodakus in various aspects of their lives, socially, physically, intellectually and spiritually.
Evangelization and education have been the big strength of the mission in Surguja, especially in the areas of Kodakus. First of all when we start educating the Kodakus we have to make them understand the value and importance of education. Knowing about the forest life is not enough for their survival but really they need the education for their liberation from illiteracy and development. The positive attitude towards education will lead them to send their children to schools and parents will feel like to be educated. There are thirteen mission stations, which have schools and hostels. These are not only to give good education and knowledge but also the message of Jesus Christ. So many Kodaku students are studying in these schools and are being educated.[48] At present the Kodaku Christians are increasing more and more in numbers in different parts of Surguja. The diocese of Ambikapur has given much importance to Kodakus that the message of God should reach to these people. So the Christianity has changed the entire life of Kodakus.
3.6.3 SEMINARS AND AWARENESS PROGRAMMES
The evangelization has gone far ahead among the Kodakus in Surguja. Dhanwar mission station, run by the Jesuit fathers has made great effort and taken initiative for the welfare and integrity of the Kodakus. It is the only mission station which fully inculturated and involved to arrange seminars and awareness programmes for all the kodakus scattered in different parts of Surguja district. Jesuit fathers and brothers have really committed their lives for the upliftment of these Kodaku people. By the guidance of Jesuit fathers, some educated brethren and students among Kodakus go to village to village where the Kodaku population is and make their fellow brethren aware about their state of life, and encourage them to come forward. Before joining seminary I had also a chance to visit some of the villages around Dhanwar mission station to conduct awareness programme. Really it was very challenging to conduct such programmes among my own people.
In recent years, intensive social work is conducted in order to improve the economic and other material conditions of the Kodakus. One of the attempts of this social work is the formation of Self-Help Groups (SHGs) in many villages. The result is quite encouraging. At present there are 168 self-help Groups in 68 villages in the area under this study. The government is also trying to spread education among the Kodakus and it is hoped that its effort will bear fruit in the future.[49]
Thus, it is really a God’s blessing and power of Holy Spirit for these people and a surprising to see that how the Church is working actively among the Kodakus.
3.7 THE PRESENT SITUATION OF KODAKUS
Though there is slow rate of progress and development towards various aspects of life, one can observe little change in their social, political and economic life. The present situation of the Kodakus cannot be said well. Because they are far behind with the present situation of the world today. They are still close to their traditional way of living. It is because of wide spread illiteracy, poverty and cultural hindrance among the Kodakus. According to the present observance, the Kodakus hire a vehicle for the marriage party to go to the village of the bride and a group of drummers too are invited at the marriage party.[50] The Christian Kodakus observe the Church marriage. After the blessing of the marriage in the Church, their own ritual ceremonies of marriage are performed at home. These some of the changes show that there are change and development in the Kodaku society. Because of great efforts and works of the missionaries the Kodaku people have at least become civilized and understood the value of human life, value of education, and the meaning and importance of religious belief. Today they are proud enough to find among themselves Kodaku teachers, both in government schools and mission schools, Kodaku Catechists, Kodaku animators and workers in government offices and more than that we have two Kodaku Priests, Fr. Kamleshwar Kole and Fr. Rajesh Kumharia for the Diocese of Ambikapur and some Kodaku brothers who are preparing themselves for priesthood today. Thus God has really done marvelous works for his people through His chosen ones.
3.8 THE RESULT OF EVANGELIZATION
In the early days when the Christianity was not arrived and introduced to the Kodaku people, they were just like “sheep without a shepherd.” They were living like wild animals moving from forest to forest, gathering food from jungle and they had to undergo various miseries and crisis. They had no identity of their own. Even the government was silent about these people. As we sing in the songs that every thing has its time and purpose. So in His own right time God sent the Christian missionaries to them in Surguja (present Ambikapur). Fr. Joseph Binje S.J. and his companions from Belgium St. John Berchmans Higher Secondary School Delhi
3.9 THE FUTURE PLAN TO PREACH THE GOSPEL
In order to bear witness to Christ fruitfully the Church must be presented to these groups. Those of its members who live among Kodakus should establish relationship of respect and live with Kodaku brothers and sisters. They should acknowledge themselves as members of the group in which they live and through the various undertakings. They should be familiar with their tradition and culture.[51] Today, the Diocese has taken great initiative to preach the Good News among the Kodaku people and to witness the risen Christ, under the guidance of Bp Patras Minj S.J. The Bishop himself is very much loving and caring to these people. The Diocese has focused its attention to all the possible means to help out these people. There is formal and non-formal education, institutional and health services, caring for the weak and marginalized, social development and social justice, Christian renewal programmes, inculturation, development of the liturgy and hymns in Kodaku language and Catechesis, Youth and lay apostolate. Through all these means there is a great hope in future to reach out and to preach the Christ’s message to Kodakus. Moreover, education, dialogue, liberation, inculturation, promotion of the human rights, different Kodaku projects and need of better relationship with Kodakus are the future means to preach the Gospel. Today, we Catholic missionaries of the diocese are looking forward for the days to come when the Kodaku community and many of the members become missionaries to other people.
CONCLUSION
Thus evangelization among Kodakus particularly in Surguja was really a difficult task for the Christian missionaries, because they thought that they would not have their own status and identity in human society. At time, it has to go through a lot of challenges. They were always living in the forests, moving from one place to the other. And those who were settled in the country-side, they were under the hands of land-lords and money-lenders, suffering from various difficulties.
The hard works of the Belgian missionaries namely, Fr. Joseph Binje S.J. and his companions, and other Jesuit and Diocesan fathers today have brought lots of change in the life of the Kodakus and in their belief system. In the beginning missionaries were threatened by the landlords and anti-christian groups. But they could succeed to sow the seed of justice, peace and love by establishing several mission stations, schools, health centers and some projects for the Kodakus.
Today, the diocese of Ambikapur has been proud of the missionaries who worked so hard in such a remote areas of Surguja. The outcome of the hard work of missionaries is that today, we have two Koduku priests Fr. Kamleshwar Kole and Fr. Rajesh Kumharia and four brothers who are preparing themselves for priesthood. We have Kodaku Catechists who are working for their own people in their areas. This is certainly a great achievement of the local Church.
In short, to conclude my thesis I honestly admit that there are still rooms for improvement in the process of evangelization of Kodakus in Surguja and still we have to face the challenges. I am very grateful and feel proud of the hard works of missionaries among the Kodakus, because of them I could receive Christian faith and I could study about my own people’s life style and could write something about them.
Anyway, the diocese of Ambikapur has tried its own way to evangelize and preach the Gospel message to the Kodakus with great zeal, trust and hope, believing that they are also the chosen people of God and He is repeating the History of Exodus episode, leading them from forest to peace, progress and prosperity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Narayan Abaninder, The Kodwa Tribe, Delhi
Singh Bageshwar &. Danda, Ajit K., The Kodaku Tribe of Surguja, Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India India
Tirkey Agapit, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, Chhattisgarh: Catholic Press, Ranchi
Barwa Ajay, Evangelization Among Kodakus, Ashta: KPRT, 1999.
Kachhap Satish, Evangelization Among The Kodakus Tribe in the Diocese of
Ambikapur, Ashta:KPRT, 1996.
Kole Kamleshwar, (Unpublished Material).
[1] Abaninder Narayan, The Kodwa Tribe, (Delhi: Amar Prakashan, 1990), 314.
[2] Bageshwar Singh & Ajit K. Danda, The Kodaku Tribe of Surguja, (Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, 1986), 71.
[3] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, (Chhattisgarh: Catholic Press, Ranchi
[4] Ibid., 99.
[5] Bageshwar Singh & Ajit K. Danda, The Kodaku Tribe of Surguja, (Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, 1986), 74.
[6] Bewra. A kind of cultivation which was known as shifting cultivation in the forests, which was banned by the government and declared unlawful.
[7] Bageshwar Singh & Ajit K. Danda, The Kodaku Tribe of Surguja, (Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, 1986), 76.
[8] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[9] Bageshwar Singh & Ajit K. Danda, The Kodaku Tribe of Surguja, (Culcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, Govt. of India, 1986), 79.
[10] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[11] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 75.
[12] Leos Sadom-Field work- Dhanwar.
[13]Abaninder Narayan, The Kodwa Tribe, (Delhi: Amar Prakashan, 1990), 125.
[14] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 84.
[15] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[16] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[17]Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 82-83.
[18] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 92.
[19] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 92.
[20] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[21] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 93.
[22] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[23] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 95.
[24]Leos Sadom-Field work- Pratappur.
[25] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[26] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 43-44.
[27] Leos Sadom-Field work- Bhootka.
[28] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[29] Satish Kachhap, Evangelization Among The Kodakus Tribe in the Diocese of Ambikapur, (Ashta: Thesis Written in Theologate, 1997), 18.
[30] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[31] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[32] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 105.
[33] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[34] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 107.
[35]Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 107.
[36] Ibid, 108.
[37] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[38] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 119-120.
[39] Ibid, 127.
[40] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, 130-131.
[41] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[42] Gyan P. Lakra, The facts collected from the diocesan secretary of Ambikapur diocese.
[43] Gyan P. Lakra, The facts collected from the diocesan secretary of Ambikapur diocese.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Leos Sadom-Field work, collected from Kamleshwar.
[46] Kamleshwar, The facts collected from direct contact with the Kodaku elders.
[47] Satish Kachhap, Evangelization Among The Kodakus Tribe in the Diocese of Ambikapur, (Ashta: Thesis Written in Theologate, 1997), 37.
[48] Leos Sadom-Field work, collected from Kamleshwar.
[49] Agapit Tirkey, S.J., Korakus at the Cross Roads, (Chhattisgarh: Catholic Press, Ranchi
[50] Leos Sadom-Field work.
[51] Leos Sadom-Field work.
No comments:
Post a Comment